‘Appeasement emboldens dictators’: Ukraine’s ambassador on Russia, memory and war

Eighty years after the end of the Second World War, Ukraine is again fighting for its survival — and for how history is remembered. As Russia wages war and seeks to recast the past, Kyiv sees stark parallels with darker chapters of the 20th century. “Victory over fascism came. Victory over rashism will come too,” says Ukraine’s ambassador to Slovakia, Myroslav Kastran. In this interview, he reflects on his country’s wartime legacy, Russia’s use of propaganda and the dangers of appeasement.

This interview was translated from Ukrainian and edited for clarity and length.

Eighty years have passed since the end of the Second World War. How does Ukraine commemorate this anniversary, and what does the memory of the war mean to you personally today?

This date is of great importance to Ukraine. Our nation endured a national tragedy during the Second World War and played a crucial role in defeating Hitler.

Ukraine was one of the main theatres of war. The frontline swept across its territory twice — first west to east, then east to west. The scorched-earth tactics were employed both by the retreating Soviet Red Army and later by the retreating forces of the Third Reich. Every city and village suffered.

According to national legislation, Ukraine annually honours the victims of the Second World War and celebrates the victory over Nazism on 8 May, alongside the European community, under the motto “Never again”.

The Ukrainian public commemorates 8 May with a focus on human stories rather than military displays. The emphasis is on remembrance and tribute, not parades. War, after all, is not merely tanks and guns but suffering and sacrifice — this is central to Europe’s commemorative practices.

In contrast, for Russia, it remains a celebratory event. The so-called “Great Victory” has been transformed into an ideological cult. The aggressor state exploits this victory and its supposed “exclusive role” in it as justification for armed aggression, war crimes and the oppression of Ukraine.

Ukrainians fought on all fronts — in the Red Army, the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA) and the armies of the Allied nations. What is the Ukrainian perspective on the war and its consequences?

The Second World War was a global conflict that interconnected all participants. While contributions varied, it is incorrect to credit one country alone. The Soviet Union, for instance, relied heavily on Allied support via the Lend-Lease programme.

Ukrainians made a significant contribution to the victory. Millions fought heroically in regular armies and underground movements, and Ukraine itself was a major battleground. The war touched every family, with over eight million Ukrainians lost and colossal economic damage.

It is essential to stress that both Nazis and communists disregarded human life and manipulated the Ukrainian issue for their geopolitical aims. Crimes by the Nazis — the Holocaust, mass shootings, village burnings and deportations — are well known. Less discussed, however, are Soviet atrocities, such as the execution of political prisoners in Western Ukraine in 1941, the destruction of Kyiv’s centre and the DniproHES dam, and, most recently, the destruction of the Kakhovka dam in 2023 — a war crime by Russia that devastated lives and flooded towns.

Remembering these tragedies is vital to prevent the cynical manipulation of history, particularly by Russia, which seeks to monopolise the narrative of victory and erase the role of other Soviet republics and Allied nations.

Specifically regarding Slovakia — was its liberation primarily the work of the Second Ukrainian Front, and how aware is the Slovak public of this? What efforts does the Ukrainian diplomatic mission make to shape public narratives?

Undoubtedly, the liberation of Slovakia involved the active participation of the Second Ukrainian Front. Ukrainian soldiers played a vital role in liberating towns and villages. Our mission does not seek to rewrite history but to uphold the truth — unlike Russia, which manipulates the past to justify aggression.

We participate in commemorative events. On 31 March, I attended the unveiling of a memorial in Pata. On 4 April, at Slavín Memorial, we honoured Ukrainian soldiers who liberated Bratislava. Recently, I joined my Czech counterpart in Žilina at a ceremony marking the city’s liberation. These occasions help highlight Ukraine’s contribution.

We also promote broader historical discussions. In February, the Historická Revue magazine dedicated an issue to Ukraine’s history, followed by a debate with Slovak historians. Such initiatives help correct the long-standing Russian lens through which Ukraine was viewed.

Last year, we facilitated a memorandum of cooperation between Ukraine’s Institute of National Remembrance and its Slovak counterpart. We are working to deepen these ties further.

What role can Slovakia play in countering Russian propaganda and preserving historical memory?

No nation can claim exclusive credit for victory. It was a collective effort involving immense sacrifices and solidarity. The formation of the United Nations reflected the Allied commitment to prevent future wars. Ukraine was a founding member in 1945.

Russian propaganda seeks to distort this narrative, diminishing others’ contributions and attacking identities and borders. Consider this: in 1943–1944, Ukrainians comprised up to 70 percent of some Soviet army units. Over 2.5 million Ukrainian soldiers received medals, more than 2,000 became Heroes of the Soviet Union, and Ivan Kozhedub — the top Allied ace — was awarded three times.

Russia tries to erase such facts to justify its present-day aggression and foster hostility towards Ukraine.

Our mission is to tell the truth — about Ukraine’s past and about Russia’s unprovoked war today. This conflict, like the Second World War, affects every Ukrainian family. Many frontline soldiers are descendants of wartime veterans.

Slovakia’s role, therefore, is straightforward: communicate historical truth to its public and resist Russia’s narrative of exclusive victory and imperial nostalgia.

Ukraine is again at war — not with Nazism but with a neo-imperial power. Do you see parallels between 1939–1945 and the present?

Yes. Putin’s regime has revived the cult of the “Great Victory” to justify today’s war. In Russia’s alternate reality, Ukrainians are “Nazis” and Russians are “liberators” — a grotesque inversion.

Parallels abound. Consider tactics: Wehrmacht veterans recalled Red Army assaults with expendable troops. Today, Russia sacrifices waves of mobilised soldiers in similar fashion.

Filtration camps and deportations echo Soviet NKVD practices. Millions passed through brutal checks during the war. Today, Russia detains civilians, tortures and deports them to remote regions.

Looting was endemic in 1945; it is rampant again today.

Putin also emulates Hitler: annexing Crimea in 2014 mirrored Austria’s 1938 Anschluss.

Propaganda parallels are striking too. Like Goebbels, Russia repeats lies until they seem true — the “illusory truth effect”. Both regimes invoked “liberation” as justification, exploiting the “messiah complex”.

Terror tactics also persist. Nazi V-1 drones terrorised London; Russia’s Shahed drones do the same to Ukrainian cities. Like the British then, Ukrainians respond with defiance.

Victory over fascism came. Victory over “rashism” will come too.

How do you view Russia’s use of the “victory cult” to legitimise its aggression against Ukraine?

Since 2014, Russia’s aggression has been relentless. On 24 February 2022, it became a full-scale invasion, flouting international law and universal human values. The Putin regime is a neo-imperial dictatorship, reviving fascist and totalitarian practices in brutal form. Ukrainians call this ideology “rashism” — a term enshrined in Ukrainian law.

This war is not an anomaly but the logical outcome of Russia’s imperial mindset. Its denial of sovereignty, disdain for life and glorification of state terror have deep roots.

Ending the war requires more than a ceasefire — it needs guarantees. Russia’s aim remains Ukraine’s destruction as a state.

Russia must be held accountable for its crimes — as punishment and as deterrent.

Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico will visit Moscow on 9 May. How might this visit be seen, especially in the context of historical memory and the current war?

Putin aims to exploit the 80th anniversary for propaganda. The 9 May parade is not about commemorating victory — it is about glorifying militarism. Russian troops on Red Square today are not heroes but potential war criminals.

Russia’s foreign ministry and security services plan to use such occasions to normalise its illegal annexations. Putin seeks to achieve three goals: rally allies, mobilise more troops and shore up his regime.

Yet what are Russians celebrating? Over 900,000 troops killed or wounded, no major territorial gains and a stalled offensive.

Moreover, when Russian officials marked Bratislava’s liberation in April, Moscow launched missiles at Kryvyi Rih, killing 21 people, including nine children. This juxtaposition exposes the true face of Russian aggression.

The lesson is simple: appeasement emboldens aggressors. The world must heed history’s warnings and take decisive action against Russia’s imperial war.