Ukraine joining NATO isn't a threat–it’s a shield, counters Ukrainian diplomat to Fico’s claim

Myroslav Kastran, Ambassador of Ukraine to Slovakia, has headed Ukraine’s diplomatic mission for the past two years. He was appointed to the post in October 2022, at a time when special attention needed to be paid to strengthening bilateral relations between the neighbouring countries.

In an interview with Novyny, the Ukrainian-language section of The Slovak Spectator, the ambassador discusses the challenges facing the diplomatic mission amid the ongoing war in Ukraine, his assessment of bilateral relations, and issues related to the integration of Ukrainians in Slovakia. 

The interview took place before Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico’s unannounced meeting with Vladimir Putin in Moscow on December 22. Fico discussed Russian gas transit through Ukraine with Putin, although it is Ukraine that has decided to end the contract with Russia as of January 2025. Fico, however, did not travel to Kyiv. Since then, Ukraine’s President Volodymyr Zelensky denounced Fico’s trip on December 23, accusing Fico of helping “Putin earn money to finance war and weaken Europe”. In another social media post, President Zelensky insisted that Ukraine was ready to help Slovakia replace Russian gas with an alternative without losing money on gas transit “at the request of the European Commission,” which Zelensky said Fico refused to accept. “He does not want to cooperate with the European Commission. For some reason, he finds Moscow more profitable,” President Zelensky said. Fico’s view of the situation was different, with accusations that Zelensky was a threat to Slovakia’s interests.  

WAR IN UKRAINE

You assumed the position of ambassador to Slovakia during Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. How did it happen? 

At the time, I was serving as director of the Foreign Ministry’s state protocol department, and the proposal came as a surprise. While I had some prior experience in the Czech Republic—a country with many similarities to Slovakia in language and culture—I was acutely aware of the gravity of the moment. The appointment came during a period of immense responsibility, and it remains so today. Then, as now, I fully grasped the scale of the challenges and tasks confronting the embassy, particularly against the backdrop of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

How have the priorities of the embassy shifted since the war?

Russia’s war against Ukraine has profoundly altered the way we work at the embassy. The conditions we face now are entirely different from the pre-war period. This is only natural when you recognise that this is not a conflict over mythical ‘denazification’ or ‘demilitarisation,’ nor is it merely about Crimea or Donbas. It is a war aimed at the destruction of Ukraine and its people. Once you grasp this, your perspective shifts entirely. You realise there is no alternative—neither for yourself nor for any of us—but to prevail and safeguard our nation.

As diplomats, we all have family and loved ones in Ukraine. We dream of returning to our homeland, living there, and rebuilding it in the way we, as Ukrainians, envision. These thoughts drive us each day, strengthening our sense of duty. They compel us to do everything within our power—and sometimes even beyond it—to serve our country with unwavering commitment.

Did you expect the war would last this long?

The war found me at home, in Kyiv. At the time, as I’ve mentioned before, I was working at the Foreign Ministry. On February 24, there was no hesitation—I knew I had to go to work. Like many others, I was in shock. I can’t speak for my colleagues, but I’ll admit that, perhaps due to limited information, I believed it wouldn’t last long. A month, two, maybe three—and it would end. Yet here we are, and the war endures.

Slovak Prime Minister Robert Fico endorsed Ukraine’s Peace Formula in a joint statement with Ukraine’s Prime Minister Denys Shmyhal earlier this year. What specific points is Slovakia committed to implementing?

The formula comprises 10 points, with Slovakia playing a direct role in two of them.

The first is nuclear and radiation safety—a logical focus given Slovakia’s heavy reliance on nuclear energy. Its two nuclear power plants currently produce nearly 70 percent of the country’s electricity. The second is environmental safety, with an emphasis on humanitarian demining in Ukraine. Over 140,000 square kilometres of Ukrainian territory remain potentially contaminated with mines—almost three times the total land area of Slovakia. 

What do you make of PM Fico’s support for the peace plans proposed by Brazil and China?

Concerns are mounting over Slovakia’s declared intention to join the China-Brazil peace initiative. Ukraine’s position on such proposals is unequivocal: while we support genuine efforts to achieve peace, two fundamental principles must guide any initiative.

First, “nothing about Ukraine without Ukraine”. As the country most affected by this war, Ukraine’s participation in any peace process is essential. We remain committed to peace, but not at any cost. Proposals that fail to align with Ukraine’s vision for a just resolution are, by definition, unacceptable.

Second, any peace initiative must adhere to the principles enshrined in the UN Charter, particularly respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty. Unfortunately, the China-Brazil initiative omits references to these critical principles, appearing instead as an attempt to freeze the conflict in its current state.

We continue to emphasise, in both rhetoric and dialogue with our partners, that Ukraine’s Peace Formula should remain the foundation for resolving this conflict. Any deviation risks legitimising aggression and undermining the prospects for a sustainable peace. 

In October, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky unveiled a five-point Victory Plan, with its first priority being Ukraine’s invitation to join NATO. Why is this invitation so critical for Ukraine, and why the urgency?

To begin, it’s worth clarifying the Victory Plan, as there seems to be some confusion—even among Slovak officials—about its purpose. Some mistakenly view it as an alternative to the so-called Peace Formula. This is simply not true. Rather than replacing the Peace Formula, the Victory Plan serves as a mechanism to accelerate its implementation, bringing the vision of lasting peace closer to reality.

Now, the invitation—why is it so vital?

Why does this matter so much to us? Thirty years ago, on December 5, 1994, the United States, the United Kingdom, Ukraine, and Russia signed the Budapest Memorandum. In doing so, Ukraine gave up its nuclear arsenal in exchange for guarantees of its security within internationally recognised borders. Yet, as bitter experience has shown, this agreement failed to deliver and proved little more than an empty promise. Since then, we’ve seen agreements like the Minsk Accords and other efforts to safeguard Ukraine’s sovereignty, but they too have fallen short.

One hard truth has become clear: even if peace were restored tomorrow, it wouldn’t guarantee our safety. Russia could easily launch another assault in six months or a year, aiming to wipe Ukraine off the political map. That is the ultimate goal of this aggression.

For Ukraine, NATO membership is the only viable solution. It is the sole framework that can ensure security not just for us but for the entire region. While joining NATO is a lengthy process, receiving an invitation is a pivotal first step. It won’t immediately bring binding defence commitments from member states—that only happens after all 32 members ratify Ukraine’s membership. However, the invitation would mark a turning point, affirming Ukraine’s inevitable integration into NATO.

This step would send a clear message to Russia and inspire both Ukrainian soldiers and civilians, reinforcing their resolve. It would be a beacon of hope and security for our future.

How would you describe Slovakia’s stance on Ukraine’s NATO membership?

Slovakia’s position on Ukraine’s NATO membership is marked by reluctance, with the current government expressing opposition and even taking steps to block the issue at the national level. According to Slovak officials, such a move would not enhance security for Ukraine or the broader region. Instead, they argue it could exacerbate tensions, potentially escalating into a larger conflict, even a third world war. Despite these challenges, we remain committed to engaging with the Slovak government and its ministries, providing evidence-based arguments to highlight why Ukraine’s NATO membership is both a necessary and stabilising step.

Do you believe the Slovak government will yield on this issue? 

Predicting the Slovak government’s stance is challenging. The decision involves two phases: first, achieving consensus at the international level to invite Ukraine, and second, conducting individual negotiations with member states. Slovakia’s position will likely depend on the political landscape at the time. Factors such as the composition of the government and its foreign policy priorities will play a critical role. If the vote were to take place tomorrow, the outcome might be predictable based on current dynamics, but the long-term trajectory is far less certain.

Slovak President Zuzana Čaputová, and on the left, the new Ambassador of Ukraine, Myroslav Myronovych Kastran, during the introductory audience on 14 February 2023 at the Presidential Palace in Bratislava. (source: Pavel Neubauer)

EMBASSY 

What consular services do Ukrainian citizens request most frequently?

The most common request remains the replacement of passports for international travel. Notarial services are also in high demand, including the certification of signatures on declarations such as the renunciation of inheritance or confirmation of marital status. Another frequent request involves registering the citizenship of newly born Ukrainian citizens.

How would you assess the diplomatic mission’s efforts in assisting Ukrainians?

Since the beginning of the year, the mission has conducted nearly 11,500 consular actions. A significant part of the workload involves consultations, addressing various inquiries or questions before citizens register for specific services. While these efforts don’t appear in official statistics, they require extensive preparation, processing, and communication. The workload has become even more demanding since the start of the Russian aggression.

In Slovakia, around 160,000 Ukrainians have received temporary protection, 30 percent of whom are minors, alongside the 50,000 Ukrainians already residing in the country with residence permits. Despite this surge in demand, the consular team consists of just three officers, the same number as before the war.

Understandably, citizens sometimes voice frustrations, citing delays, difficulties in scheduling appointments, or challenges in reaching the consulate by phone. However, the current consular team is exceptionally dedicated and efficient. 

The Foreign Ministry is actively digitising consular processes to improve accessibility and efficiency. A new electronic appointment system has been introduced, prioritising mothers with multiple children, individuals with serious illnesses, and people with disabilities, who are served without waiting in queues. Efforts are also underway to enable certain consular actions to be completed online, reducing the need for in-person visits. 

What consular services are available to Ukrainian men aged 18 to 60 without military registration documents? 

Most consular services for Ukrainian men aged 18 to 60 require a valid military registration document in electronic form, generated through the Reserv+ application. Consular staff need only verify the applicant’s electronically issued status. Exceptions include issuing a return certificate for travel back to Ukraine or handling cases involving individuals in custody or serving sentences, where military registration is not required.

Is there a plan to address the heavy workload at consular offices? 

At the annual ambassadors’ meeting in August, Ukraine discussed enhancing its consular presence abroad, including opening new offices. Slovakia is among the countries slated for expanded services, with a new consular office planned for Prešov. Likely to be a general consulate, this will reinstate the services available there until 2014, when the office was closed due to financial constraints. 

In the interim, on-site consular services are offered quarterly on Saturdays at the Ukrainian Cultural Centre of the Union of Rusyns-Ukrainians in Prešov, where a full range of consular services is provided.

What issues are outside the scope of consular sections? 

Many inquiries fall beyond consular competence. Common misconceptions include requests for assistance with paying utility bills in Ukraine, topping up Ukrainian mobile accounts, or acting as legal counsel or interpreters for detainees. While consular staff cannot fulfil these roles, they can provide advice or direct individuals to appropriate contacts.

To minimise delays, citizens are encouraged to consult the embassy website, which offers detailed guidance on services and requirements. Many applicants arrive unprepared, lacking necessary documents or copies, which leads to reappointments and wastes time for both applicants and consular staff. 

The Ambassador of Ukraine to Slovakia, Myroslav Kastran, delivers a speech during a commemorative event marking 1,000 days since the beginning of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, held at Freedom Square in Bratislava on Tuesday, 19 November 2024. (source: Dano Veselský)

SLOVAK-UKRAINIAN RELATIONS 

To what extent does the Ukrainian embassy cooperate with Ukrainian entrepreneurs in Slovakia, and does Ukrainian business contribute to Slovakia’s development?

It’s not just businesses—ordinary Ukrainians who have relocated to Slovakia and found jobs make a notable contribution to the Slovak economy through their professionalism and education. Businesses play an even greater role, especially as many Ukrainian companies, particularly from the east, have relocated to Slovakia.

In 2021, Ukraine launched the ‘Outside’ digital platform, which facilitates Ukrainian businesses entering foreign markets, including Slovakia. Recently, the platform was expanded to allow Slovak companies to explore opportunities in Ukraine, whether by investing in projects or entering the Ukrainian market. Currently, Slovak companies show significant interest in participating in Ukraine’s post-war reconstruction. Ukraine has compiled a list of roughly 400 recovery projects in various fields, with the Slovak government identifying 27 of these as particularly appealing.

Business forums also serve as a valuable tool for fostering collaboration. A recent forum in Košice brought together around 80 Slovak companies and 30 Ukrainian businesses, highlighting the growing synergy between the two nations. 

As part of the intergovernmental consultations, Slovak and Ukrainian governments discussed plans for their companies to collaborate on producing engineering equipment, particularly Božena demining machines. Could you elaborate on this?

Slovakia has a strong track record in manufacturing demining equipment, notably through the Slovak company Way Industries, which produces Božena machines. I had the opportunity to visit their production facility in Krupina earlier this year. At the start of the year, the Slovak government, through the Foreign Ministry and Slovak Aid, allocated €750,000 for purchasing two Božena 4+ demining machines. This funding was transferred to a special embassy account, and we subsequently signed a contract for the production and transfer of the machines to Ukraine’s State Emergency Service. These machines are now ready, and I expect they will be handed over by the end of the year.

We are also eager to establish joint production of these vehicles in Ukraine. Way Industries has expressed interest in collaboration, and we aim to organise a joint Ukrainian-Slovak online meeting early next year, involving government representatives and the Slovak manufacturer. This partnership may begin with Ukrainian production of certain components, with the ultimate goal of achieving full Ukrainian participation in the manufacturing process.

Additionally, we are exploring the joint production of other engineering equipment. This includes cooperation with CSM Industry, which manufactures UDS excavators. These machines are ideal for tasks such as trench digging and clearing operations. We are optimistic about launching this initiative next year.

The recent signing of a memorandum of understanding between the Education Ministries of Ukraine and Slovakia marks a new chapter in their collaborative efforts in education. This agreement lays the groundwork for deeper cooperation and reflects the evolving needs of Ukrainians living in Slovakia.

Historically, Ukraine and Slovakia have enjoyed strong ties in education. Since 2005, a fixed-term educational cooperation programme—automatically renewed—has guided their joint efforts. However, as circumstances have changed, so too have the needs of the Ukrainian community. The memorandum provides a theoretical framework to adapt and expand this partnership. A key priority is ensuring that Ukrainian children maintain their national identity and cultural roots, even while integrating into Slovak society.

The initiative is particularly vital as Ukraine envisions a future where its citizens return home after the war. Preventing assimilation and fostering a sense of connection to Ukraine are seen as crucial steps. As part of this effort, plans are underway to establish Saturday or Sunday schools in major Slovak cities like Banská Bystrica, Košice, and Trenčín. These schools will focus on teaching Ukrainian language, literature, and cultural subjects, preserving ties to their heritage.

A significant milestone in this collaboration was the official opening of the first Ukrainian school in Bratislava. Recognised as a foreign school under Slovak law, it offers a fully Ukrainian curriculum. This initiative was spearheaded by a group of Ukrainians who responded to the growing demand among parents for an education that prepares their children for eventual reintegration into Ukraine. Located in the Nové Mesto district, the school operates in the afternoons, with strong support from the local mayor.

The school has partnered with Liko-School in Kyiv, allowing students to receive Ukrainian educational certificates upon graduation. Encouragingly, similar initiatives are emerging across Slovakia, with new groups approaching the Ukrainian embassy for support.

To what extent do you think Ukrainians have integrated into Slovak society? 

Integration has occurred relatively quickly and smoothly. Ukrainians and Slovaks share a close history, similar activities, mentalities, and even language, which has made this process largely painless. Geographical and historical ties have played a significant role in fostering a comfortable integration experience.

The Slovak government has made substantial efforts to support Ukrainians, offering work permits, access to education, and healthcare on par with Slovak citizens. Ordinary people have also shown remarkable solidarity, reinforcing the message that this nation cares about its Ukrainian neighbours. These factors have helped Ukrainians feel welcomed in Slovakia.

To my knowledge, there haven’t been significant ethnic conflicts. While there may be isolated complaints or criticisms, Slovak society—like any other—is diverse in its views. It’s essential to approach such issues philosophically. Overall, I don’t perceive major societal problems related to the presence of Ukrainians in Slovakia.

Even economically, the taxes paid by Ukrainians have already outweighed the government expenditures on their support, proving their positive contribution to the Slovak economy.